Canada has been through a demoralizing time in recent years, but hope remains. The 1989 Romanian Revolution is a good example well within our lifetime that serves both as a cautionary lesson for governments and some cause for inspiration for suffering citizens.
Canadians across the country face affordability issues which are in no small part due to federal policies. Deep deficit spending during the pandemic drove inflation and made debt servicing charges higher forever. Economic development and foreign investment has plummeted under regulations and policies that sabotage a resource-based economy. Governments and schools promote Cultural Marxism while Ottawa slowly encroaches against free speech online.
Such woes are small compared to those suffered by Romania last century. The country turned Communist after the Soviet Red Army advanced west to overtake Germany in World War II. General Secretary Nicolae Ceaușescu, who ruled for 24 years, first came to power in 1965.
Ceaușescu’s rule became especially harsh beginning in 1981. That year, he launched an austerity plan to tackle the national debt of USD $10 billion that rationed gas, heat, and food. Infant mortality grew to the highest rates in Europe.
Regardless, Ceaușescu always had enough money for his expensive and grandiose megalomaniac projects in the capital city of Bucharest. This included a House of the Republic for US$1.75 billion, the hotel and mall of the Dâmbovița Center for US$275 million, and the 5.9 square kilometre Centrul Civic area.
To establish Centrul Civic, 40,000 people were given one day’s eviction notice, then relocated to other residences. Buildings plowed to rubble included 3 monasteries, 20 churches, 3 synagogues, 3 hospitals, 2 theatres, and a sports stadium. Common people nicknamed the project Ceaușima, a word fusion of Ceaușescu and Hiroshima. The dictator was destroying his own capital city with the force of an atomic bomb.
Yes, Communist “urban planning” was more draconian than any 15-minute city plans floated today. Under “systematisation”, small villages were declared “irrational”, leading to the forced relocation of people and the destruction of the former buildings, including historic churches and monasteries.
The Securitate, the country’s brutal secret police, was ever-present and quelled opposition. Informants were quick to rat on those spreading anti government messages. However, such oppression cannot last forever, especially when a champion rises up against it.
Despite government dominance over church affairs, Hungarian Reformed Pastor László Tőkés was a consistent critic of the Ceaușescu regime throughout the 1980s, especially regarding systematisation. On July 24, 1989, Hungarian State TV aired a TV interview of Tőkés where he stated that Romanians need not support the Ceaușescu dictatorship.
Tőkés’s comments prompted Bishop László Papp to expel him from his flat in the city of Timișoara. Tőkés stayed anyway. When his power and food rations were cut off, parishioners continued to support him. Some were arrested and beaten by the state. Finally, a court ordered his eviction for December 15, 1989.
A crowd of hundreds of people surrounded Tőkés’s home to prevent his eviction. After three days passed, the crowd encompassed several blocks. They sang hymns and a patriotic song the Communists had banned decades prior.
A general strike ensued. Soon even the capital city of Bucharest was filled with protesters. “Down with Ceaușescu!! Down with the regime! Down with Communism!” the crowds cried. In the growing furor, Ceaușescu lost the support of his minister of defense.
Ceaușescu and his wife Elena faced a military tribunal on December 25, 1989. The two were found guilty for various crimes against people and property and were killed by firing squad.
The National Salvation Front (FSN in its original language acronym) took power and promised free and fair elections within five months. Voters renewed the FSN mandate on May 20, 1990. In the coming years, the FSN introduced neoliberal reforms, such as free markets and the privatization of state-owned farms and enterprises.
The Romanian currency devalued 60% in the early years after the revolution, leading to a drop in GDP as measured by American dollars. Impressively, Romanian GDP per capita rose from US$4,057 in 1992 to US$12,386 in 2023, almost on par with the world average.
Freedom House, a pro-democratic U.S. organization, rates Romania highly on its freedom index. In 2024, the country scored 35 of 40 for its political rights and 48 of 60 for its civil liberties, earning it a mark of 83 out of 100.
Romania’s Communist era of more than four decades was brutal and impoverishing and the country’s restoration took almost as long. Regardless, the Romanian story teaches a valuable lesson: unjust authoritarian governments can quickly fall, no matter how entrenched they seem. Citizens languishing under harmful rule should take some comfort knowing that if they stand their ground, deliverance could be just around the corner.
Lee Harding is Research Fellow for the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.
